Photo by Palestinian information center
By Bernardo Moreno González
On Christmas Eve, I interviewed Paulina Viladomat, a Mexican professional who has lived in Palestine since 2012. Paulina has a master’s degree in Human Rights and Good Governance from the University of Madrid and a Peace and Conflict Consultant Certificate from the Academy for Transformation Conflict in Bonn, Germany. She has worked in different organizations seeking to improve the conditions of the Palestinian community, such as the Al Fawwar refugee camp, where she developed sustainable agricultural systems. She is currently an adviser to the Civil Peace Service of the Organization GIZ (German Society for International Cooperation) in Ramallah.
BM: We understand that the historical area of Palestine is now Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank. Can you guide us in geopolitical terms?
PV: Basically, Palestine is the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, a territory that includes Jericho, Bethlehem, Nablus, East Jerusalem—including the old city—and Hebron. The West Bank was part of Jordan since 1950, after the Arab-Israeli war. It was then occupied by Israel in 1967 in what became known as the six-day war.
HAMAS (Palestinian political organization) won the elections in Gaza in 2007 and has been the authority in the territory ever since. Gaza is referred to as “the largest prison in the world—the only prison in the world where prisoners have to support themselves. Israel is the authority in the territories, without the obligations,» wrote Weisglass, one of the top advisers to Ariel Sharon, Israel’s prime minister from 2001 to 2006.
In the West Bank, the Palestinian authority promotes the fiction that it is independent of Israel, while working closely with the Israeli security apparatus to protect privileges from illegal Israeli occupations. Since 2004, Abbas has been the president of Palestine (excluding, obviously, Gaza), who has executed more than 300 presidential decrees, without forming a parliament. Over the years, Abbas has controlled his political rivals, monopolizing the various decision-making processes and using increasingly authoritarian measures to disrupt and reduce the space for Palestinian democracy and participation. This political fragmentation and fragility has been exacerbated by ongoing infighting between FATAH (the ruling party in the West Bank) and HAMAS (the Palestinian government in Gaza).
BM: To give an example, what is the situation like in Ramallah (the West Bank), where you currently reside?
PV: The Palestinian Authority FATAH is the body that has full control over area «A» and partially over area «B» of the West Bank, while in area «C,» the authority is Israel. This as a consequence of the 1994 Oslo peace agreements. Where I live is area type “A,” and it is the city of Ramallah, a place where, in theory, the presence of any Israeli soldier is illegal. In reality, it is not respected, and, in fact, they defend illegal occupations that are constantly going on, destroying and burning Palestinian farms.
BM: What do you mean by illegal occupations, and what do they mean?
PV: Israeli settlements built inside Palestine are illegal under international law. Most of these settlements are in Area «C» and are allowed to bear arms, often attacking Palestinians, ravaging houses, buildings, and farmland. Israel continues to expand existing settlements, as well as annex more Palestinian land to build new settlements. The cumulative effect has denied the Palestinians the ability to create a viable Palestinian state. From 1967 to 2017, more than 200 Israeli settlements were established in the West Bank; its current population is almost 620,000 people. The settlements violate the human rights of the Palestinians; checkpoints are erected that limit their movement. In addition they are denied access to farmlands near the settlements.
The international community considers the establishment of Israeli settlements in Palestine illegal for a couple of reasons: they violate Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and they disregard international declarations. Actually, the fundamental issue is that there is not enough global pressure to stop them.
BM: What is the general sentiment of the Palestinians after 73 years of occupation?
PV: There is a feeling of frustration, lack of trust, and reduced spaces in which civil society and NGOs (non-governmental organizations) can operate and influence towards an independent Palestinian state. There is also no organized Palestinian resistance group, in addition to a general lack of leadership. There is deep hopelessness as a result of many years of oppression by the Palestinian Authority (FATAH), the Israeli occupation, and lack of commitment from the international community. There is also a feeling that nothing changes, and the status quo is maintained by the international community and Israel. There is lack of motivation among the Arab public, lack of representation, and lack of influence.
